It wasn't until 1948 that Mosley re-emerged on the political scene in Britain when he launched Union Movement at a packed meeting in Farringdon Hall, London.
Mosley was still capable of rousing strong emotions. He remained a fiery speaker and an imposing figure, like an elder statesman. On the platform, Mosley continued to be a brilliant performer and a magician with words.
Mosley launched Union Movement at Farringdon Hall, London on 1 May, 1948 to a packed audience, many of whom were ex-B.U.F. members. (Image - FOM)
When Mosley launched Union Movement, fifty two separate groups, mostly led by former B.U.F. members, were invited to the founding meeting.
In the list below, those marked X joined outright. The remainder maintained a separate existence although many of their adherents did join Union Movement as individuals - some holding dual membership with their previous group.
More often than not, the success and failure of Europe’s far right is traced to ‘charismatic leadership’ – the presence of a telegenic and messianic populist who employs simplistic slogans and demands to protect ‘the people’. There is the external and outward-facing charisma that we are all familiar with. But just as important is internal charisma – the ability to sustain the loyalty of an inner cadre of highly committed followers, who can ‘keep the flame alive’ not only during the good days, but also the bad.
The far right in Britain has only ever had one leader who could deliver both and that was Mosley.
Bermondsey, South London 1938, Mosley pulls in the crowds (Image - Blackshirt)
Even in the shadow of the Second World War he was still revered among a tight circle of loyalists as almost god-like. This played an important role in the formation of the Union Movement in 1948 and explains how he was able to unite all the nationalist fringe groups under one umbrella.
John Tyndall, the former leader of the 1970s National Front who went on to establish the BNP in 1982 lacked external charisma. This is reflected in the fact that for seventeen years the BNP managed to win just one local council seat (Derek Beackon won Millwall in 1993). But internally, his dictatorial style and presence did ensure the survival of a small right-wing party under a long period of Thatcherism and low immigration – far from easy.
Only when activists began to sense the climate was changing did they remove Tyndall and install Griffin, who promised them ‘modernization’ and success. But Griffin had neither external nor internal charisma. He neither won over the masses nor was able to build a unified army of diehards who would follow him over the top. Instead, Griffin got lucky – he rode the waves of popular anxiety over immigration at a time when Labour took their old base for granted, the Conservatives were in disarray and there was no other alternative on the radical right flank. However, over 80 per cent of voters said they would never even consider voting BNP.
Today there are perhaps dozens of different nationalist groups in Britain who all basically want the same thing, Britain for the British, but they lack a leader who could unite them.
Further Reading:
The League of St George
New British Union
